Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 136

Because the area between Baikal and Kurtuk to the northwest is all rocky mountains, it is the most difficult section to traverse on the southern shore of Lake Baikal, and also the last section of the railway line to be completed. The Russian army in Baikal actually found it very difficult to obtain support from Irkutsk. If this area hadn't been occupied by the Chinese and even more difficult to retake, the Russian army would have given up long ago before the Chinese troops arrived.

On July 27, the Northern Army Group's pre-war plan to sever the Trans-Siberian Railway line was successfully completed. At this point, it would be a pipe dream for the Russian army to reopen the region and restore traffic on the Trans-Siberian Railway in less than three to five months. Although the war was now entering a period of diplomatic negotiations to end it, there was still much that the Northern Army Group could do.

The first thing was that the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviet in the Upper Udinsk region began to take the lead in administration. Confirming the autonomy of the local natives and the land property rights of Russian immigrants became the top priority of the Soviet. Failure to handle these two issues properly would inevitably lead to a bloody ethnic massacre.

Secondly, the Bolsheviks led by Babushkin did not intend to remain peacefully under the wing of the Northern Army Group. Taking advantage of the collapse of the Tsarist regime in Verkhovna Udinsk, they began to try to take over all the immigrant villages in the region, especially the towns and villages of miners, and planned to advance eastward to Chita, bringing the Chita region, the center of Russian immigrant settlement in the Far East, under their control.

Cai E could actually understand Babushkin's thinking. The other party did not fully trust them. Even though the two sides had reached an initial cooperation between the parties, Babushkin still hoped that the Bolshevik-led armed forces could break away from the control of the Northern Army Group and thus have independence.

Judging from Babushkin's style, the Bolsheviks clearly wouldn't place themselves in a subservient position to the Workers' Party. Of course, in this situation, a partner with an independent Russian political force is more beneficial than harmful to the Workers' Party, since it currently lacks the capacity to control Northeast Asia, and post-war Japan's power in the region will grow rapidly. A Russian presence in the Far East remains necessary for China.

Moreover, the Bolsheviks were quite capable of propaganda among workers and soldiers. At least with Babushkin's cooperation, Russian workers and captured Russian soldiers in the Upper Udinsk region took a stand against Tsarist autocracy, which greatly reduced the strength that Army Group North used to guard against these Russian workers and soldiers.

Thus, as August approached, the Northern Army Group began to consolidate its rule in Verkhovna Udinsk, and the Verkhovna Udinsk Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Soviet also launched an offensive against the Chita region. For St. Petersburg, the Far East was completely devastated.

Chapter 485 Invitation

On July 12, having foreseen the impending defeat in the war in the Far East, Kokovtsov wrote to Foreign Minister Ramzdov, expressing his views on the post-war situation in the Far East: "If the preservation of Russia's interests is understood as refusing to make concessions in the Far East, which keeps Siberia closely connected to the Pacific, then there should be no obstacle to reaching a long-term and fair reconciliation treaty, but one cannot expect the treaty to be permanently effective."

From an economic and cultural perspective, I believe it is currently necessary to prioritize Russia's vital interests in the Far East; there is no need to be overly concerned about the inviolability of Russia's borders or its sphere of influence in the Russian Far East, Ussuriysk Krai, and other regions…

Simply put, even the Far Eastern adventurers who spearheaded the war had lost hope for it and were even considering maintaining Russia's presence in the Far East as much as possible after the war, prepared to accept the loss of interests in Manchuria and Korea, and even the relinquishment of some territories that had already been swallowed up by Russia.

However, the situation of the war changed too quickly. The failure of the offensive to recapture Verkhovna Udinsk and the rise of the domestic workers' and peasants' movement made St. Petersburg unable to think about the post-war situation in the Far East. They needed to end the war as soon as possible and free the nearly 600,000 Russian troops besieged in the Far East from the fate of surrender.

On August 5, Nicholas II finally yielded to his ministers and decided to end the war in the Far East. However, he insisted on peace talks without ceding territory or paying reparations, rather than signing a surrender agreement. If China and Japan refused to cease hostilities, he would continue the war.

St. Petersburg quickly assembled a negotiating delegation headed by Witte, ready to depart for the United States. The reason for discussing peace in the Far East on American soil was that the major European powers were unwilling to get involved at the time. To act as a mediator, one needed the ability to suppress the discontent of both sides in the war. Britain and France, due to their positions and the need to focus their energy on Europe, naturally could not get involved in the troubles of the Far East.

Although Germany had not signed any alliance agreements with either side of the war, it was naturally unwilling to expend too much energy in the Far East at this time, given the opposing stances of Britain and France. Apart from Britain, France, and Germany, no other European country had the power to mediate between the three parties in the Far East, which is where the United States came into play.

At this time, the United States was at the tail end of the Gilded Age. Domestic unregulated development had reached its limit, and free-market capitalism was being replaced by monopoly capitalism. The domestic market was essentially saturated, and seeking to expand into foreign markets became the new goal of American capital. To break the dominance of domestic monopoly capitalism, President Theodore Roosevelt also needed to enhance America's international political prestige, thereby strengthening his presidential authority and pushing forward the political reforms he spearheaded.

For the U.S. Navy, the Japanese Navy was an inevitable enemy in the Pacific. If the U.S. Navy wanted to break the encirclement by Britain and Japan, it would have to control at least one of the Atlantic or the Pacific. Obviously, under the current circumstances, choosing Japan was much more reasonable than choosing Britain.

If the United States and Japan were to become adversaries in the Pacific, then Japan could not be allowed to easily gain dominance over the East Asian continent. Therefore, after the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay, President Roosevelt began to instruct Secretary of State Elihu Root to appeal for mediation in the Far East war.

Roosevelt's intention was that the Russian navy, after its defeat, was no longer powerful enough to influence world maritime power, but Russia's presence on land in the Far East could restrain Japan's power, which was obviously beneficial to the US Navy's expansion into the Pacific.

Furthermore, calling for peace at this time could demonstrate to Germany and France that the United States was not interested in war, and it could also show Britain the United States' stance of maintaining the current international order. After the Moroccan crisis and the signing of agreements between Britain and France and Britain and Japan, everyone could feel that the great powers were splitting into two camps. President Roosevelt did not want the United States to be drawn into this game of choosing sides; he was only focused on domestic reforms to defend American liberal capitalism.

In his initial mediation efforts, Roosevelt focused solely on Russia and Japan. In his view, China had no initiative in the war; it was merely a war imposed on China by the Russians and Japanese. To restore peace in the Far East, Japan's desires had to be satisfied first, while Russia's face was preserved. As for the Chinese, all that was needed was peace.

Therefore, when proposing mediation to Russia and Japan, Roosevelt told Secretary of State Elihu Root, "This time Japan should get its own spoils." The essence of this statement was that Japan had the right to receive Russia's special interests in Manchuria, including the Port Arthur fortress and the Manchurian Railway.

In order to gain the German Emperor's support for peace in the Far East, Roosevelt hinted to the Germans that "if Russia and Japan cannot be forced to stop negotiating at this time and conclude a peace treaty after they have determined their own victor, then Japan and Russia may establish an alliance based on practical interests."

The Germans certainly did not want to see an alliance between Japan and Russia, as this would be a step in Russia's move closer to the Anglo-French agreement. Once the Quadruple Entente was established, Germany would be completely trapped in Europe.

Roosevelt argued that if Japan attempted to unite with Russia and pose a threat to the United States and Germany, the US and German navies could join forces to contain it. To ensure that Japan and Russia could not form an alliance, the mediation of peace in the Far East had to be in the hands of the United States and Germany; in effect, the United States would lead the peace process in the Far East.

However, what Roosevelt hadn't anticipated was the Chinese army's proactive offensive, which plunged 600,000 Russian troops in the Far East into crisis. Tsar Nicholas II, who had initially rejected peace, was forced to quickly shift to a peace stance under internal and external pressure. Thus, attempts to exclude China from peace negotiations were clearly impossible.

Therefore, just as the Witte delegation was packing its bags to travel to the United States, the Americans hurriedly sent an invitation to Beijing, requesting that the Chinese government send a delegation to the United States to participate in the Far East peace talks.

The overseas students, represented by Tang Shaoyi, were very excited about the American invitation. Tang Shaoyi went to persuade Yuan Shikai to accept the invitation, saying, "The fact that the Americans have extended an invitation to us means that they have recognized our country's status as a victorious nation in this war."

Now, if we send a delegation to the United States, we can strive to reclaim our interests in Manchuria and other regions during the talks. If we do not join these talks, our interests will be excluded once Japan and Russia reach a peace treaty, and this war will have been fought in vain.

This is a great opportunity for the country, and the Grand Secretary must not miss it. In particular, he must not be blinded by the tough diplomacy in Wuhan and adopt a hardline stance behind closed doors. This may fool the common people, but the great powers will not accept it. If we want the great powers to recognize our rights, we must sign a treaty that is recognized by all nations according to international law.”

Yuan Shikai did not immediately accept Tang Shaoyi's suggestion, because he was not as naive as Tang Shaoyi, believing that public opinion could truly suppress Wuhan, especially since the Beiyang government could not control public opinion at present. Although Yuan Shikai employed these returned students, he did not actually trust them. He believed that Chinese affairs should be handled according to Chinese rules, and that imitating the West in everything would inevitably lead to problems.

In practice, it is quite effective for overseas returnees like Tang Shaoyi to offer advice or be in charge of specific tasks. However, when it comes to giving them an overall perspective, they are somewhat unrealistic and lack practical skills.

For example, after the establishment of the State Council, many overseas returnees occupied prominent positions, such as Tang Shaoyi, who became the Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, Tang Shaoyi worked in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for nearly a year and did not achieve anything in diplomatic affairs. Instead, he placed more than 200 people with connections in the Ministry. As a result, Sheng Xuanhuai and others, who were already dissatisfied with Yuan Shikai's appointment as Chairman of the State Council, seized on this matter and attacked Yuan Shikai in the newspapers every day, saying that the Beiyang government's corruption was even worse than that of the Manchus.

What could Yuan Shikai say about this? He himself, as Chairman of the State Council, was also vigorously promoting officials from the Beiyang clique. Everyone supported him before, Yuan Gongbao, but now that he's risen to prominence, is he not going to reward his merits? Who will continue to support him then? If Yuan Shikai wants to promote his own people, those he promotes must also promote a group of his own people; otherwise, how can he maintain his current position?

Faced with public criticism, Yuan Shikai could only feign dismissal of several incompetent officials who were the most disliked by the people to appease the public outcry, and then pretend that he had accepted public scrutiny and corrected his mistakes. Of course, this did not mean that Yuan Shikai had no complaints about these subordinates who made him take the blame; it was just that he still needed them for now, so he could not pursue the matter too much.

However, Yuan Shikai also became more wary of figures like Tang Shaoyi, fearing that he might be tricked by these returned overseas students again. He felt it was highly inappropriate to send someone from Wuhan to participate in the peace negotiations with the United States, setting aside the fact that Wuhan wasn't just a bunch of self-righteous figures who only talked a good game in the newspapers; they had real weapons and ammunition. If things really escalated, wouldn't Yuan Shikai be the one who ended up on the front lines?

After seeing Tang Shaoyi off, he summoned Ruan Zhongshu and mentioned Tang Shaoyi's advice to him. Ruan Zhongshu immediately scoffed and said to Yuan Shikai, "Tang Shaoyi always treats foreign rules as inviolable laws. If foreigners really adhered to their own rules, the Russians would have withdrawn from Manchuria after the signing of the Boxer Protocol, and there wouldn't have been any subsequent war between the two countries."

The Americans didn't mediate earlier, nor later, but only after Russia lost the naval battle and lost Verkhovna Udinsk, did they suddenly start calling for peace in the Far East. Isn't this clearly a sign that they're preparing to side with the Russians? If we send someone to the United States to participate in peace negotiations and the talks go well, perhaps, as Tang Shaochuan said, the honor will go to you, Gongbao.

But what if the negotiations don't go well? Japan and Russia both want to protect their own interests, but aren't the interests they want precisely the interests they want to extract from North Korea and my country? In that case, whether you sign or not, you'll offend public opinion both at home and abroad regarding such a peace agreement.

Yuan Shikai pondered for a long time and realized that Ruan Zhongshu was probably right, because the foreign powers would almost certainly do so.

Chapter 486 No choice

Just as Ruan Zhongshu was speculating about what decision Yuan Shikai would make, he heard the other party suddenly ask him, "What is the situation in the palace now?"

He immediately regained his composure and cautiously replied, "At the beginning of last month, the Empress Dowager fell ill, and by last week it was said that she was bedridden. I inquired with the doctors at the Imperial Hospital, and they said that the Empress Dowager is old and has a lot of emotional distress, so it is probably difficult for her to get through this ordeal."

After pondering for a long time, Yuan Shikai finally asked, "What about the Emperor?"

Ruan Zhongshu said, "The Emperor visited the Empress Dowager in the palace the day before yesterday, but it's said he only greeted her at the door and left without even having a sip of water. Now, many people in the capital are saying that the Emperor is too cold-hearted; after all, if it weren't for the Empress Dowager, how could he have ascended the throne..."

Yuan Shikai waved his hand to interrupt Ruan Zhongshu's complaints and said calmly, "This is a family matter between the Emperor and the Empress Dowager. What right do we, their subjects, have to discuss such matters? However, there is something I would like to ask you: what are Wuhan's thoughts on constitutional monarchy?"

Ruan Zhongshu hesitated for a moment before replying: "I have reviewed Wuhan's statements since last year and found that Wuhan has never made any statements supporting a constitutional monarchy. Although Wuhan was the first to publicly advocate for convening a parliament to draft a constitution, Wuhan's statements never mentioned anything about protecting the royal family. Instead, there were many statements about a republic."

Therefore, I believe that the purpose of convening the National Assembly in Wuhan was probably not to achieve a constitutional monarchy, but rather to use the name of the National Assembly to strike at the Empress Dowager and the Manchus' autocracy, ultimately forcing the Emperor to abdicate and thus moving towards a republican system. It's similar to a bloodless French Revolution.

Since the lifting of the ban on speech, foreign history and philosophy books have been translated into Chinese and circulated widely. In particular, the vernacular language movement advocated by Wuhan has further reduced the difficulty for the public to read books. Among them, books about the French Revolution and the American War of Independence were the first to become popular among intellectuals, since the current situation in China is indeed very similar to these two historical periods.

Therefore, newspapers frequently used stories of the French Revolution or the American War of Independence to allude to Chinese politics. The French Revolution, in particular, was easier to resonate with Chinese intellectuals because of its rich historical materials and the fact that it was a time of transition from a continental monarchy to a republic. Even old-school scholars like Ruan Zhongshu would often mention the French Revolution in their conversations.

Yuan Shikai was naturally aware of this trend. He had read several books about the French Revolution in his spare time, especially those about Napoleon. After all, Europeans often referred to him as the Napoleon of the East. If he didn't find out who Napoleon was, he wouldn't know whether these Europeans were praising him or mocking him.

The bloodless French Revolution was a mixed blessing for Yuan Shikai. The advantage was that he no longer had to worry about Emperor Guangxu and the Manchus seeking revenge. The disadvantage was that, without the support of the imperial authority, he could rely on his own prestige to confront Wuhan.

Frankly, after fleeing back from North Korea, he had lost the courage to engage in direct political confrontation. Within the framework of the imperial court, manipulating power and attacking political enemies was now the political struggle method he was most familiar with. However, Wuhan overturned the bureaucratic struggle model they were accustomed to, turning political struggle into a head-on clash. This reckless hand-to-hand combat was actually full of risks, because the loser would not even have the chance to withdraw.

In the struggles of officialdom, as long as you relinquish power and admit defeat, the victors can let you go back to your hometown and live a wealthy life. This is how the imperial faction in the Hundred Days' Reform came to power. As for the six gentlemen who went to the guillotine, it was because they refused to admit defeat and run away, not because the Empress Dowager's faction wanted to exterminate them. Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, who were willing to escape, would have been fine.

However, what Wuhan was playing was not a political struggle, but a confrontation between political groups. This approach of publicly announcing political ideas from the beginning and then demanding that the people follow them was actually quite inconsistent with the official practices of the Qing Dynasty.

Because of the confrontation between these political groups, a political divide was drawn from the outset, and the struggle between them was naturally a matter of life and death. In contrast, the Hundred Days' Reform initially amounted to a struggle among those on a ship for the power to steer; there was no talk of attacking or killing the ruling party, landlords, or gentry. The reformers, including Tan Sitong, advocated for reform aimed at enriching the country and strengthening its military, advocating for saving everyone on board, but simply requiring certain individuals to contribute their wealth to save the ship first.

Yuan Shikai was very familiar with the power struggles in the latter type of reform, because there was actually no insurmountable gap between the reformists and the conservatives. They were intertwined, so even if one side failed, they could quickly switch to the other side. At least for an individual, there was still a way out.

A situation like Wuhan, where the city cut off its own escape route from the outset and plunged into a fight where victory or death was inevitable, was quite unsuitable for old bureaucrats like Yuan Shikai. They could no longer observe the situation in the early stages, and those who initially opposed Wuhan found it difficult to infiltrate its core leadership later on.

It can be said that since the emergence of this force in Wuhan, Chinese politics has broken the hypocritical facade of superficial harmony. Those old forces that could not adapt to the new methods of struggle are being rapidly dismantled and eliminated by these methods. This refers to the Empress Dowager Cixi and the Manchus.

Even more dependent on the legitimacy of the imperial court than Yuan Shikai were the Empress Dowager's faction and the Manchus. Without the legitimacy of the imperial court, the power held by the Empress Dowager's faction and the Manchus vanished completely. For example, the Manchu imperial family in Beijing used to rely on the legitimacy of the imperial court to restrain the Beiyang government and the governors-general of various regions, because the Beiyang government and the governors-general of various regions could only have their own power if they were subordinate to the imperial court.

However, after Wuhan shattered the imperial court's prestige, the court, which had previously suppressed the Beiyang warlords and local governors, instantly lost its sacred aura. Everyone suddenly realized that what they needed now was not the official titles and local authority granted by the court, but rather the court's need for their support to continue functioning. Thus, the Manchu nobles, led by Prince Qing, and the Han officials who had curried favor with the Empress Dowager, immediately fell from grace, losing their authority to command others.

This war further shattered the dignity of the imperial court in the eyes of the world, making it clear that the court had essentially lost the power to protect the country, and only local forces like those in Wuhan and the Beiyang Army were capable of doing so. Under these circumstances, using the titles and positions granted by the court to suppress local forces was truly a joke. Without the backing of Wuhan and the Beiyang Army, could the court's orders even leave Beijing?

Even ordinary intellectuals had truly come to realize that this was the twilight of a dynasty, an era of great strife, where strength, not noble lineage or sacred blood, would determine the fate of the world. If young scholars like Tan Sitong, who spearheaded the Hundred Days' Reform, still harbored the idea of ​​saving the declining dynasty, then by 1907, a powerful voice of intellectuals had emerged, ready to abandon the old dynasty and embrace a new era.

Even Yuan Shikai, who leaned towards political conservatism, gradually began to accept the view that it was time for the Qing Dynasty to end. Of course, Yuan Shikai's idea was mainly due to being forced by circumstances. At the beginning of the New Policies after his return to Beijing, Yuan Shikai still supported the continuation of the dynasty, after all, his achievements and power were closely related to this dynasty, and the continuation of the dynasty was beneficial to him.

If the Empress Dowager could continue to hold power and install a new emperor before her death, then Yuan Shikai would have no reason to oppose the dynasty. After all, as long as he remained loyal to the dynasty, he could use its name to suppress other challengers, and as long as the dynasty did not abandon him, he would be virtually invincible.

However, the emergence of Wuhan forced Yuan Shikai to abandon the waning Empress Dowager. With the help of Emperor Guangxu, Wuhan could easily defeat the Beiyang clique. Although Yuan Shikai preserved his Beiyang clique by abandoning the Empress Dowager, he became mortal enemies with Emperor Guangxu, the Manchus, and the Qingliu faction loyal to the court.

By this point, Yuan Shikai had no other option but to overthrow the Qing Dynasty. Whoever came to power, as long as they still recognized the legitimacy of the Qing, would inevitably be purged. This is similar to the ongoing purges of the Qing loyalists and Manchus in Wuhan, completely disregarding public opinion, because Wuhan's political stance is hostile to these people.

Therefore, after listening to Ruan Zhongshu's analysis of Wuhan's political behavior, Yuan Shikai did not feel particularly dissatisfied. He only felt somewhat disappointed, as if he had struggled all his life and suddenly realized that he had only wasted his efforts and now had to start all over again. He had that kind of anxious and uncertain feeling.

However, he quickly recovered from this feeling of helplessness and turned to Ruan Zhongshu, solemnly instructing, "Continue to keep an eye on the palace and the Qing residence. Report to me as soon as possible if anything happens. Also, go and contact Qin Lishan to see how they plan to promote the republic. The war has reached this point; it's time to consider the issue of peace. I want to understand how they plan to address the post-war situation..."

Yuan Shikai wasn't the only one interested in understanding Wuhan's views on peace; the British were particularly keen on Wuhan's stance on this issue. While the British were astonished by the Chinese victory in their invasion of Verkhovna Rada from Outer Mongolia, cutting off the Trans-Siberian Railway, this surprise was less than that of the Russian navy's defeat in the war against Japan.

As an empire that established its global hegemony through naval power, the British believed that the outcome of naval battles would always be more certain of the transfer of power in a region than that of land battles, because it only took a few years to build an army, as evidenced by the success of China's modern army.

Even if a populous country like Russia loses its current 60 troops in the Far East, it can rebuild its land forces in three to five years. However, rebuilding a navy of any significant size would take at least ten years. In this naval battle in the Far East, Russia has effectively lost most of the strength it had accumulated since the Crimean War, and almost overnight, Russia has been removed from the list of maritime powers.

The war achieved the most ideal outcome envisioned by the British before the war. The Franco-Russian combined fleet, which posed a threat to the Royal Navy, no longer existed. As a result, the Royal Navy only had the German and American navies to attack, and the latter would also be constrained by the Japanese Navy. As for the French Navy, it went from being a competitor to an ally. The previously precarious throne of British maritime hegemony was suddenly stabilized.

From one perspective, the world is returning to the regional balance of power shaped by the British Empire. Now, as long as the thorn of Germany is removed, the world can be easily pruned, thus maintaining the glory of the Victorian era since the 19th century.

Chapter 487 Two Reporters

George W. Morrison, the Times’ chief correspondent in China, was, in a sense, part of the London Foreign Office. Although he was not officially an employee of the Foreign Office, his investigations and research on Chinese society would regularly appear before the Foreign Secretary in London.

This was perhaps a tradition of British imperialism: using informal individuals to contact foreign dignitaries, establishing personal relationships, and then using these relationships for diplomatic and intelligence work. During Britain's conquest of India, it repeatedly utilized British individuals serving Indian princes in their personal capacities. These individuals investigated various intelligence activities in India and deliberately sowed discord among the princes, thus paving the way for the British East India Company's entry into India.

Although it is now the 20th century, Britain has not abandoned these informal diplomatic methods because they are costly and highly profitable, especially in feudal monarchies in the East, where monarchs and powerful ministers often put their own interests above national interests, making them more susceptible to the influence of such personal relationships.

In 1897, Morrison became the special correspondent for The Times in China, but in the years prior, he had traveled extensively on foot throughout East and Southeast Asia to investigate local customs and traditions. It can be said that his understanding of Chinese society was far more profound than that of the British diplomats stationed in China.

However, Morrison made several misjudgments on the Wuhan issue, which caused the London Foreign Office to lose confidence in him. However, the performance of British diplomats in China was even less satisfactory to London, so Morrison retained his position as chief China expert. After all, he only made mistakes on the Wuhan issue, and his judgments on other Chinese forces were generally correct.

Therefore, London, wanting to understand Wuhan's thoughts on how to end the war in the Far East, chose to do so through Morrison's eyes and ears. After all, an informal British official didn't need to make any formal promises, allowing the Chinese to speak freely without burden. Only by truly understanding the Chinese people's thoughts could London formulate the right strategy for ending the war.

Morrison could understand London's cautious approach, which demonstrated that the Chinese—specifically, the Chinese in Wuhan—had successfully reversed the detrimental effects of the First Sino-Japanese War and the Boxer Rebellion on China's declining status. After these two wars, China's status was even lower than that of the Ottoman Empire, the "sick man of Europe." If China hadn't been so far from Europe, and if Britain hadn't been unable to conquer such a large, homogeneous nation, then cutting ties with China would have been Britain's most effective diplomatic tactic.

This means that after the Boxer Rebellion, China had become prey to be hunted by the great powers, and was no longer one of them. Therefore, the China question no longer depended on China's own will, but on the decisions of the British Empire and other great powers.

However, the constant turmoil in Wuhan over those six or seven years changed London's perspective. It became clear that without China's cooperation, no major power could achieve its goals in East Asia, a crucial reason why Russia suffered heavy losses in the war. Although London had formulated a strategy to prevent Russian expansion in the Far East, the extent of Russia's defeat was unexpected.

It can be said that the performance of China and Japan in this war has greatly alarmed Europe and the United States. The scenario that all parties had speculated before the war—a Pyrrhic victory for China and Japan or a minor defeat for Russia—did not occur. Instead, Russia suffered a crushing defeat on both the land and sea fronts, which in effect disrupted the balance of power in East Asia that London desired.

Of course, the most alarmed by this situation are Australia and the United States. Just as Americans do not want Japan to rule East Asia, Australians are also unhappy to see Japan become the maritime hegemon of East Asia. Moreover, Australians feel threatened by Japan even more than Americans because Australia's White Australia policy has effectively left it without any support in the surrounding region. Furthermore, if Japan expands southward, the first to be affected will be the sparsely populated Australia.

Within the British Empire, Australia and New Zealand were the most opposed to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. These regions believed the alliance essentially condoned Japan's expansion into Southeast Asia, Australia's gateway. They argued that if Japan occupied Southeast Asia, Australia would face a direct threat. London, acting in its own interests, was pushing Australia into a dangerous geopolitical position.

Therefore, George Morrison, who previously supported the White Australia Policy, has now become a pro-China figure. This shift in thinking is not an isolated case; for example, William Henry Turner, the Sydney Daily Telegraph's correspondent in China, is also now a pro-China individual. This is because these Australians believe that to curb Japan's expansion into the southern seas, it would be best to strengthen China, thus diverting Japan's attention and preventing it from focusing on the southern oceans.

This time, Morrison was ordered to go to Wuhan to communicate with Tian Junyi, and Donald accompanied him. This young reporter, who had begun to gain fame for his series of reports on the Far East war, was full of expectations for this trip to Wuhan. Although he had no connection with the London Foreign Office, he and Morrison were both Australians, so their relationship was naturally much closer.

On the train, with nothing else to do, Donald asked Morrison about the future of East Asia: "After this war, Russia's power in the Far East will be greatly diminished, and the future of East Asia will depend on Japan and China. Although Japan is currently stronger than China, China's war potential is greater than Japan's due to its population and vast territory. So, will Japan launch another war before China grows stronger in order to gain hegemony in East Asia?"

Morrison was looking out at the endless cornfields outside the train. Although Australia has vast plains, it lacks a certain population density. Japan and Southeast Asia, while densely populated, lack such extensive plains. Most of them are fragmented river valleys and plains, and the view is often blocked by mountains and jungles when you go out.

Only China possesses both vast plains suitable for agriculture and a dense population. In every aspect, China is more like a civilized world than Australia, except that it lags behind in technology. However, this sense of lagging behind Europe is gradually changing.

Modern China, like Japan, is being ushered into modern civilization from the Middle Ages. Morrison had also visited Japan and witnessed how it was transforming from a medieval agricultural society into an industrial one. The thriving scene was truly admirable and unforgettable.

Compared to Japan's Meiji Restoration, China's Self-Strengthening Movement was far inferior. Although China also introduced many machines and European technicians and sent people to study in Europe and America, a deeper understanding of the Chinese reveals that the country had not truly embraced Western civilization. Their way of thinking remained Chinese, a stark contrast to Japan.

However, this aspect of China reassured Morrison. While traditional Chinese people might be resistant to outsiders, they weren't actually aggressive. They valued internal hierarchical relationships more than their rejection of outsiders. As long as outsiders respected Chinese customs, they were easily accepted into Chinese society—something unimaginable in Japan. Although the Japanese appreciated Western culture, it was difficult for outsiders to integrate into Japanese social circles.

Although Morrison was of Australian descent, he was more aligned with the interests of the British Empire. Therefore, considering the interests of the British Empire, he believed that not excessively weakening the Chinese and maintaining China's territorial integrity would actually be more beneficial to British interests in China. Of course, as an Australian, he was also willing to view East Asian issues from an Australian perspective, and the rise of China was clearly beneficial in containing the emerging power of Japan.

Faced with the question from his junior and fellow countryman, Duan Na, Morrison thought for a long time before finally speaking: "Yes, Japan's rise is obviously aimed at dominating the East Asian continent. Whether it was the war against China launched to compete for the Korean Peninsula or the intervention in the Sino-Russian war this time, Japan's purpose is to strike at the regional powers that are capable of competing with it for dominance in the East Asian continent."

This war, with its naval and land defeats in the Far East, will prevent Russia from maintaining its expansionist momentum in the region in the short term. Under these circumstances, China, showing signs of resurgence, becomes Japan's biggest competitor in the region. Given the opportunity, Japan will certainly not miss the chance to strike at China and lay the foundation for its dominance of the East Asian order.

This is clearly not a good outcome for our country. We hope to maintain the balance in East Asia, which is why we support China and Japan in resisting Russia's expansion in the Far East. However, if Japan ultimately becomes the sole superpower, this would also disrupt the balance in East Asia. Therefore, I believe London would not want to see this situation.

Of course, the future direction of China ultimately depends on the choices made by the Chinese people themselves. Bound by the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, we cannot openly oppose Japan's actions to defend its interests. Furthermore, if the Chinese truly side with Germany, then we will have no choice but to support Japan, because we cannot allow Germany to threaten India…”

Although he and Morrison had a deep discussion in the car, the two-person compartment they were in was very quiet and no one came to disturb them, so they could talk freely without any reservations. However, Donald was still keenly aware that London was not sure how to deal with China. After all that Morrison had said, they still needed to find out Wuhan's attitude before London could make a decision.

This is a rather rare situation in London's diplomacy. Whether it is Germany, France, or Russia, Britain's foreign policy is always clear. Changes in these countries' positions cannot change London's foreign policy. However, London's foreign policy toward China has become unclear. This actually illustrates a problem: the British Empire's energy is no longer sufficient for the Far East. Because it is unable to devote too much power to this region, London respects the regional power in this area.

Chapter 488 Siemens' Cities

On the morning of August 9, Morrison and Donald's train arrived at Dazhimen Station in Hankou. When they got off the train, Morrison checked the time and quickly said to Donald, "48 hours. In just six months, the distance from Beijing to Hankou has been shortened by another 6 hours. This shows how much Western technology has changed this country."

Donald also acknowledged the enormous changes the railway had brought to China, but he still cautioned the other party: “Dear Mr. Morrison, I think you should pay more attention to our surroundings. I feel as if I have arrived in Berlin rather than Hankou. If this continues, the Chinese will probably soon equate Western civilization with Germany, which is obviously not conducive to our country’s influence in China.”

Morrison looked up at the platform and admitted that Donald's feeling was correct. In fact, he didn't need to reach Hankou to feel the German atmosphere; he had already felt it after passing Xuchang. This was because the railway from Xuchang to Hankou had been changed to German-made electric locomotives. The steam train from Beijing to Xuchang traveled at a speed of 30-40 kilometers per hour, so the speed from Xuchang to Hankou could reach 50-60 kilometers per hour.

These electric locomotives were naturally made in Germany, and even the train carriages were manufactured according to German standards. This is because low-speed steam trains did not require such high sturdiness in their carriages, while high-speed electric trains had exceptional requirements. At the very least, the doors could not be opened while the train was in motion, which was a new standard for the British.

The Dazhimen Station in Hankou has become a product showroom for Siemens, which explains why more and more English newspapers are calling Hankou a Siemens city, just as they call Shanghai an adventurer's paradise. This city has been marked with a distinct German label, even surpassing Qingdao, which was built and managed by the Germans themselves.

Of course, compared to Qingdao, with a population of less than 3, Hankou was already a major city second only to Shanghai. After various countries occupied Shanghai, occupying this major city in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River became their goal. Not to mention, the infrastructure construction of the three towns of Wuhan by Zhang Zhidong and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee over the past twenty years has enabled the three towns of Wuhan to develop extremely rapidly, not much slower than Shanghai.

Especially under the leadership of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, the construction of bridges across the Han River and the rapid promotion of industrialization and urbanization led to a dramatic expansion of the urban areas of Hanyang and Hankou, and the population doubled from over 1.2 million to 2.4 million. If the Wuchang area is included, Wuhan has actually become the largest city in China, a metropolis with a population of over 3 million, comparable only to the capital cities of various European countries.

Once Wuhan had developed to this scale, foreign officials stationed in China had essentially acknowledged that the city was virtually impossible to conquer. This was because Wuhan possessed not only a large population but also a commensurate industrial scale. The powers that built Shanghai and Tianjin were essentially using the population size and production capacity of these cities to suppress the surrounding rural areas, thereby enabling these two port cities to maintain their self-defense capabilities for a long period, supported by the naval forces of the powers.

Wuhan now holds a similar status to Tianjin and Shanghai. However, the city is not in the hands of foreign powers. This means that if foreign powers wanted to conquer the city, they would have to mobilize a population and resources comparable to those of central China. Judging from the wars that Russia fought at Shanhaiguan and Zhangjiakou, it is clear that the low-investment colonial wars of the past could no longer achieve the goal of conquering Wuhan.

This is precisely why the Germans valued Wuhan more than Qingdao; Qingdao could not protect German interests in China, but Wuhan could. As long as Germany maintained its influence in the city, the great powers could not expel Germany from China. This also explains why, in the past, Germans, upon arriving in China, always tried to compete with the British for control of Shanghai, but now, German businessmen coming to China would arrive in Wuhan first to begin their Eastern business ventures.

Through Wuhan, German commerce finally found a foothold in the East, enabling it to compete with British commerce. With the exception of textiles, German manufactured goods were almost always ahead of British products. However, due to logistical and manufacturing costs, German goods could only outperform British goods in Europe and neighboring regions.

British maritime dominance and a global colony network meant that, despite their inferior technology, British industrial products outperformed German goods in regions far from Europe. For example, in Asia, British sales had previously far surpassed those of German products. However, with cooperation between German industry and Wuhan, German industrial products are now experiencing a significant increase in sales volume in Asia through processing and re-export in Wuhan.

Siemens' presence in Wuhan exemplifies the deep cooperation between Germany and Wuhan. The British suppression of Wuhan has severely damaged British businesses in central China. Even a simple standard for electricity has made it difficult for British power equipment companies to enter this emerging market. Unless British industry abandons its own standards and manufactures equipment according to Chinese standards, it would require a significant investment in upgrading factory equipment – ​​a heavy blow to British industry.

Repairing relations with Wuhan is not only a necessity for British politics, but also for British industry and commerce. Just as Donald felt uncomfortable seeing the German influences throughout the train station, Morrison believed that Britain could no longer remain indifferent to the cooperation between Wuhan and Germany, or they would truly lose China.

This wasn't just Morrison's personal opinion; many British diplomatic officials in China shared this view. After all, only Germany, the United States, and Japan were still maintaining diplomatic affairs in Wuhan, while diplomats from other countries had chosen to evacuate due to Wuhan's lockdown of the Yangtze River.

Although sending representatives from Wuhan to Beijing to participate in the National Assembly meeting restored diplomatic ties with various countries, these ties were largely official and did not establish a personal relationship. This meant that countries could not understand Wuhan's thinking before making decisions, which was quite inconvenient for European diplomats accustomed to private and secret diplomacy.